Stress Essay Example

Stress Essay Stress is a word we are all familiar with, some of us maybe too familiar. There are many everyday factors that contribute to stress levels. Everyday things like work, raising children, paying the bills, and running errands are stressors that people tend to get wound up about. There are also much bigger pressures in life that people don’t have to deal with on a daily basis, things like divorce, marriage, getting fired, and death of a loved one. To deal with stress, you must first identify your own sources of anxiety. People can create their own stress by putting things off to the very last minute or not dealing with things correctly and efficiently. To identify your own sources of stress you must examine your life and habits. Many times people find things to help them deal with life that is worse than the actual stress. Numerous people smoke, drink, do drugs, and over or under eating. Many people also turn to medications. This stress management article, lists many other ways of dealing with it that are bad for you. But there are also good ways to deal with stress. A lot of people take bubble baths, read a book or have a nice, invigorating work out. In the article â€Å"How to Reduce, Prevent, and Cope with Stress† there are six strategies that help dealing with stress. The first tip is to avoid unnecessary stress. This advises you to avoid people and situations that may elevate your anxiety level. Strategy 2 Alter the Situation: This one I feel is an important one. It encourages you to deal with your feelings and to communicate effectively. Also, be willing to compromise when you do state your feelings. We will write a custom essay sample on Stress specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Stress specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Stress specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer This strategy also advises that you manage your time more effectively to avoid being anxious over deadlines and other looming priorities. Strategy 3: Instead of getting upset about things try to look at them form a more positive stand point. Also evaluate how important what you’re worrying about is. If it isn’t that important then why stress? Another good point this article makes is, don’t set yourself up for failure. This means don’t set your standards too high for yourself. Lastly learn to appreciate your life and positive things around you. Strategy 4: Learn to see things as a learning experience and be more positive about it. Talking about it also helps whether it is a professional or a good friend. Accept the fact that things aren’t always going to go your way and deal with it. Strategy 5: My favorite is take time to relax and have fun taking care of and pampering your self is a great way to relieve stress and avoid it. There are thousands of ways to relax and just enjoy life Strategy 6: Exercise is important to preventing stress as is eating healthier. This article recommends staying away from caffeine, alcohol, tobacco, and sugar. Sleep is also very important to dealing with stress everyone gets cranky when they haven’t had enough sleep. Following this advice will lead to a more productive and less stressful life. http://helpguide. org/mental/stress_management_relief_coping. htm Melinda Smith, M. A. , Ellen Jaffe-Gill, M. A. , and Robert Segal, M. A contributed to this article. Last modified on: December 2008.

Dont Ask Dont Tell essays

Don't Ask Don't Tell essays We the Affirmative believe the United States Militarys Dont Ask, Dont Tell policy should be repealed. We argue that homosexuals are not a threat to the military, that the policy is a hardship on American taxpayers, and that the policy is not being administered properly and never has been. People are different. People have always been different; this isnt a new concept. There are differences ranging from physical appearance to political opinion to sexual orientation. Our society has consistently been confronted with and has consistently overcome those differences that may be a threat to human cohesion. Cohesion is an important term, used often in this debate. Websters Dictionary defines cohesion as The act or state of sticking together; close union. Proponents of the United States Militarys Dont Ask, Dont Tell policy frequently argue that homosexuals in the military are a threat to unit cohesion and morale, that the military is a much different society than what the average ci tizen lives in. Meaning that a heterosexual service member would have trouble serving with a homosexual one, and that despite growing acceptance of homosexuals in the workplace, school, and in general everyday life; the military is a different society than the world as we know it, and not as accepting. However, if you ask any Professor of Political Science they will all tell you what Dr. Roger Payne told me; that the military is supposed to represent the ideals of our culture. Since the invention of the military, it has been a common belief that unit cohesion is a necessity to the successful operation of any military force. We argue that homosexual service members, who have not tried to hide their sexual orientation, are in actuality not a threat to unit cohesion. Over one hundred years ago African Americans began to serve their country in the military despite beliefs f...

Generally accepted accounting principles relating to health care Essay

Generally accepted accounting principles relating to health care - Essay Example The standards relating to GAAP have been recognized to be executed by different organizations while compiling their respective financial reports. In general, GAAP is a broadly used accounting procedure of reporting and recording financial information. The accounting standards that have been outlined within the GAAP are â€Å"generally accepted† by the Governmental Accounting Standards Board (GASB). The mission of GASB is to build and develop the financial reporting standards at the level of local governments and state units (Taylor, 2008). Purpose of GAAP The main purpose of GAAP is to represent the financial report that can significantly reflect the financial position of a particular organization. GAAP provides effective support to the organizations in terms of enhancing their capability within the framework of long-term financial decision making process that eventually enables the organizations to accomplish their predetermined financial objectives. Moreover, the other imper ative purpose of GAAP is to enhance the performance of the business organizations through properly maintaining their financial records (Office of Financial Management, 2012). From the perspective of healthcare industry, GAAP performs a major role through delivering transparent financial statements that encompasse all the financial activities of the healthcare organizations. An effective practice of GAAP tends to facilitate the modern healthcare firms and forecast their future financial performance. Proper implementation of GAAP in the financial reporting process can enable an organization to attain competitive position within the growing healthcare industry (Office of Financial Management, 2012). Oversight of Use of GAAP The different standards or the accounting principles belonging to GAAP can be considered as the set of guiding principles that provide effectual accounting solutions for any organization while preparing financial statements. In order to gain a superior oversight reg arding the use of GAAP, it has been identified that the accounting principles concerning GAAP tends to comply with traditional and rule-based methods in representing the financial statements of various organizations. With regard to asset valuation process, GAAP tends to follow historical cost of the assets rather than focusing on fair value of the assets that depicts fair treatment of the items in the financial statements (Rascona, 2011). Description of Each Principle and the Intention behind the Principles of GAAP GAAP mainly contains five types of principles that ensures towards establishing a well-structured financial report which determines the financial stability of a specific organization. The various principles of GAAP relating to healthcare organizations have been discussed hereunder. Going Concern Principle The principle of going concern represents the fact that the healthcare organizations will tend to operate their respective business functions in such way so that they ca n prepare a balanced and well-structured financial statement. Identifying any types of uncertainties in the business processes it has to be noted that going concern needs to be updated in financial reports through rationalizing different standards or the accounting principles belonging to GAAP (Financial Reporting Council, 2009). Matching Principle The matching principle of GAAP defines as a process of recording each item of expense in relation to revenue that must be recorded in

Prioritizing Ethical Issues of a Corporate Example Dilemma Described Essay

Prioritizing Ethical Issues of a Corporate Example Dilemma Described - Essay Example They need immediate help and Tru-Seal is able to provide that, so it should. Secondly, Tru-Seal is not capable of accommodating the deal with Ford currently unless it increases its workforce. If it does not increase its workforce, the deal with Ford will be jeopardized. This will be a lose-lose situation for both Tru-Seal and the residents of the Jones County. Thirdly, Tru-Seal should increase the workforce because the Indian firm seems positive on continuing with the deal with Ford after it acquires Tru-Seal. In order to continue the work smoothly, it is unlikely for the Indian firm to completely replace the existing workforce at that time with new and inexperienced workforce as it would affect the quality of work as well as productivity. Last but not the least, it is not established that the Indian firm will acquire Tru-Seal. Unless it actually acquires it, chances exist that Tru-Seal might not be acquired in which case, it would be an unwise decision to not increase the workforce now. Yes, it is better for Tru-Seal to keep the union informed about the pending sale of the company. In spite of all the differences of the company with the unions, and the history of the company’s tough relations with the unions, informing the unions will be safer and less inconvenient choice compared to not informing them. If Tru-Seal does not inform the union, the union might engage in legal proceedings against the company at the time of its sale to the Indian firm, thus incurring a lot of cost to the owners in fines and damages. On the other hand, even if the union is informed about the pending sale, it is more likely that the union will support the decision of increasing the workforce at the Jones County given the high unemployment rate at present. Having met all environmental regulatory actions to date and having fostered a good relationship and open dialogue with the Michigan Department of Environmental

Financial Statement on Netflix Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Financial Statement on Netflix - Essay Example Looking at the cash flow statement of the year, certain major components stand out. During this year, they bought back $90 million worth of their own stock. The buying of this stock was made possible due to the large increase in price (Houston and Brigham, p. 248). In the year 2013 and 2014, the company spent over half of the total revenues on subscription. Expenses on subscription were 57.2% of the total revenue in 2013 and 55.1% of the total revenue in 2014. It therefore means that subscription expenses increased by 14.1%. These subscription expenses are as a result of shipping off DVDs to customers. They also result from buying of content from distributors. Shipping costs include package, postage and labels. In 2013, more DVDs were shipped since there were more subscribers. The operating expenses for Netflix include expenses incurred on technology and development, marketing and administration. There was an increase of 26.3% for expenses on technology and development between 2013 and 2014. The increase in these expenses was because of need for more personnel to stream content on the internet. In terms of total revenue, these expenses were 6.2% in 2013 compared to 5.7% in 2014. Expenses incurred on marketing reduced by 8.5% from 2013 to 2014 and comprised 15.6% of total revenues in 2014 compared to 16.8% in 2013. The reduction in marketing expenses is a reflection of Netflix’s resolution to decrease its advertisements to potential customers. In terms of assets, cash and cash equivalents accounted for 94% of current assets owned by Netflix in the year 2013. In 2014, cash represented 47% of Netflix’s current assets. This reduction in cash is attributed to the company’s use of cash for short term-term investments. The company invested in corporate debt securities, asset and mortgage backed securities and agency securities (Houston

The European powers

The European powers Abstract Being unified late in the 19th century it was difficult for Italy to establish itself amongst the other European powers. Therefore, one can view the indecisiveness of the Italians on where their national interests lie, as an act of opportunism because since its unification Italy had no particular loyalty to any group of powers except that group from which it could benefit most. This assignment gives prominence to this factor and also delves into detail in Italys policy during the Cold War (mainly resting on two main pillars: NATO and the EU). The Post Cold War period is also covered with special emphasis on the governments of Berlusconi and Romano Prodi. Introduction In 1858-9 the Kingdom of Piedmont was allied with France against Austria in order to achieve Lombardy. Seven years later it fought side by side with Bismarcks Prussia in the Austro-Prussian War. Four years later it stayed neutral in the Franco-Prussian War which was eventually won by Prussia. The road to Italian Unification in itself shows that the Italians had no particular loyalty to any power. The shifts in alliances were quite common for Italians as long as they were sure that they were getting the maximum benefit from them[1]. In the course of the Risorgimento the keystone of Piedmontese foreign policy had been friendship with France and Britain. When France was defeated by Prussia after 1870 it was not useful anymore. In fact, the Italians started even regarding it as a hostile country especially after the French conquered Tunisia in 1881 (a country which the Italians had been aiming to conquer themselves)[2]. Although they had claims on Austrian Territories such as South Tyrol, Istria and Dalmatia; the Italians still joined the Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria in 1882. Joining an arch-rival like Austria-Hungary was certainly a piece of real politick. In fact this move wasnt really popular with many Italian nationalists who preferred having France rather than Austria-Hungary in an alliance. In fact, after the fall of the anti-French Crispi, Italian foreign policy started moving closer towards France[3]. In WW1, Italy did a remarkable piece of political opportunism when it first concluded an agreement with France in 1914, and then joined France and Britain in the war, thus betraying the Triple Alliance of which it had been part of for more than a generation[4]. The end of WW1 brought a lot of dissatisfaction amongst the Italians. The Versailles Settlement barely gave any territory which the Italians had hoped for. This was one of the main factors which led to the rise of Mussolini who advocated a revisionist policy towards this settlement. Mussolinis active foreign policy proved to be a headache for France and Britain which had their own empires to take care of. Mussolini regarded the Mediterranean as Mare Nostrum (while both France and Britain had interest in it) and was for expansion in the Balkans and Africa, despite Woodrow Wilsons insistence on self-determination[5]. Mussolinis ambitions did not stop France, Britain and Italy to sign the Stresa Pact mainly aimed against Germany (1935). Yet, when in the Abyssinian crisis France and Britain imposed sanctions on Italy, Mussolini immediately made a U-turn in Italian foreign policy and joined Hitler in what is famously known as the Pact of Steel (1939)[6]. This eventually led to Italy joining Germany in WW2. The Years of the Cold War In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War it was clear that the allied forces presence in Italy would have a great effect on Italian Politics; they would not think twice to intervene in cases of serious civil disorder[7]. The uninterrupted predominance of the Christian Democratic Party after the war made Italy an original and unquestioned member of NATO and the EC[8]. Another important field of interest on the international scene were those areas involving a geopolitical and economic interest; like the Balkans, the Mediterranean and certain Arab countries. Yet, Italy was in a very difficult position in this period of time because it was regarded as a defeated state. Its foreign policy had to practically start from scratch[9]. Italy was one of the first countries to ask and benefit from Marshall Aid to avoid the rising power of the communists. In fact, when the government formed in 1947, the Socialists and the Communists were excluded. Marshall Aid was one step forward towards a completely original aspect in Italys foreign policy history: a closer relationship to America. This relationship was sealed in 1949 when Italy joined NATO, therefore achieving an international warranty for De Gasperis government leadership[10]. According to Sergio Romano: LItalia non era nella NATO per prepararsi con gli alleati alleventualita` di una Guerra possible, ma per due obiettivi con cui aveva dimestichezza sin dagli anni della Triplice Alleanza: evitare i rischi dellisolamento e sfruttare lo stallo per intrattenere con lavversario i migliori rapport possible[11]. For Paolo Tripodi, the first pillar of Italian foreign policy during the cold war was the USA[12]. In fact, till late 1980s Italy always followed NATO faithfully. However, one must not forget the other fundamental aspect of Italian international affairs: Europe. In fact, Italy had a shared vision internationally which pointed to a mutual reinforcement of the two guidelines: The more the Atlantic link was emphasized, the more European integration would have progressed and vice-versa[13]. The Marshall Aid was not enough to sustain Italy; it needed a wider market to consolidate its economy. Here one can also mention the federalism of Altiero Spinelli, whose figure was an indicator of the great Europeanism fervour that existed in the Peninsula at the time[14]. At this point the left wing parties too accepted NATO and EEC membership. Being part of the EEC (and later the EU) undoubtedly helped to transform the country from peasant backwardness into industrial dynamism, a transformation in which it overtook Britain in terms of income per person and could proudly take its seat at the G7 table of rich economies[15]. Until the beginning of the 1980s the membership of the EC was considered as complimentary to the alliance with the USA and to NATO. This perception wasnt always accurate and in the 1960s, Italy moved away from Gaullist France as it regarded a breach of harmony in the Transatlantic Relationship as a threat to the foundation of Italian foreign policy[16]. After 1945, Italy kept a low profile foreign policy in the Mediterranean since they didnt want to cause tension with the other powers in the region (including the USA which had the biggest fleet in the sea). It only started making its first real moves after the 1973 oil crisis where it established relations with Libya and Algeria. In the 1980s, Italy also established relations with the PLO and other 3rd World Countries[17]. This section of the assignment showed that Italy had a new dilemma in its foreign policy. USA and the EU might have been allied, but their interests didnt always intertwine and this became very evident in the post Cold War period. In my opinion, although it had quite a fundamental role in European affairs, Italy tended to give its relationship with USA more importance than Europe. This scenario comes out more clearly in recent years under the Berlusconi leadership and even to a certain extent under Romano Prodi. The Post Cold War Policy The end of the Cold War meant that the geopolitical importance of Italy was now limited in NATO. The new international situation required a greater Italian engagement especially in the military department. However, Italy needed stability within its domestic affairs to carry out a more active foreign policy. The 1990s were far from stable; it was only in the beginning of the 21st century that domestic stability was achieved under Berlusconi[18]. The term continuity was used for the foreign policy of Italy during the Cold War because it rarely took independent bold action and usually followed the EU and NATO faithfully. Since the end of the Cold War, Italy began to take a more active approach in its foreign and security policy which it conceptualised and upheld in terms of pursuit of national interests[19]. This indicates that during the Cold War Italy gave more importance to NATO sometimes even above its national interests. This can be due to fear of offending the U.S. which was its main ally against a hostile communist east. The end of the Cold War meant that Italy had to reconsider its role within NATO. This is because first of all NATOs role automatically weakened with the fall of the USSR. Another factor was that disagreements within the alliance would be more likely to arise; and the third factor was that in case of major disagreement between USA and the EU Allies, the latter wouldnt have the ability to act on its own[20]. Professor Osvaldo Croci explains how Italy revised its traditional role as a security consuming country and embarked on an effort to become a security producing country as well[21]. Italian governments in the 1990s and even in 2000s pursued a number of policies aimed at reinforcing and functionally linking the different multilateral organizations of which the country was member of: primarily the UN, the EU and NATO[22]. For example Italy fully supported the development of a European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) but, unlike France, it regarded its development as complimentary and not as an alternative to NATO. The victory of the centre-right coalition (Casa Della Liberta`) in 2001 made EU members apprehensive about the foreign policy this government was expected to adopt. This political faction was known for the lukewarm attitude it had towards the EU. In fact, as The Economist rightly pointed out, the EU still had plenty to offer to Italy but both the EU and Italy had changed and what was good for the EU was not always good for Italy. That was what the new centre-right coalition set out to do in 2001: to question some EU policies and to assert Italys national interest more forcefully[23]. Nevertheless, the two main pillars in Italys foreign policy remained NATO and the EU. The accusations that Italy had embarked on a Europe-sceptic path were exaggerated because Berlusconi only brought change in the tone and style of Italys foreign policy but not in its substance[24]. It was the resignation of foreign minister Mr Ruggiero, who was known for his pro-EU agenda that worried most EU Countries. Lega Nord leader Umberto Bossi showed no particular enthusiasm to the EU. He even referred to it as the new Soviet Union. The EURO was even greeted with indifference by the Italian government[25]. As a successful tycoon, Berlusconi was both European and Internationalist in his outlook[26]. In his electoral victory speech he claimed: We are proud to be part of Europe. We are proud of the special relationship we have with the United States. We will work attentively in the next few months and years to develop those relations even more[27]. Berlusconi was practically stressing continuity in Italys foreign policy. According to Ignazi, the only announced change was a more assertive international presence flanked by a new modus operandi centred round personal and direct contacts[28]. One such contact was certainly Russias Vladimir Putin. A meeting was carried out by the Italian government in Practica di Mare. The aim was to celebrate the partnership between NATO and Russia. This meeting showed the great respect Berlusconi had towards Russia. Berlusconi even went to the extent of defending Putins policy in Chechnya[29] (a policy which had raised international concern). Under Berlusconi, the transatlantic relationship became the focal point of Italian foreign policy. The proof of this were the number of statements in support of the U.S. foreign policy, especially in Afghanistan and the Iraqi crisis[30]. Despite the domestic opposition to the Iraqi War, Berlusconi made sure that Italy participated actively even militarily. Sergio Romano points out that lopposozione e una parte della opinion pubblica hanno accusato il governo Berlusconi di essere succube degli americani[31]. Though in official declarations Italy always followed the Europhile line; when war in Iraq broke out and created a division between USA with UK against France and Germany. Berlusconi supported the U.S. Even though as pointed above the war was opposed by many influential groups including the Catholic Church, when war was formally declared Berlusconi sent troops, even if they marched under a humanitarian disguise[32]. Therefore America was preferred over maintaining the preferential channel with Arab countries and also over the EU (keeping in mind the Franco-German opposition to the war)[33]. The newly elected Prodi Government in 2006 hoped to bring the country back onto the centre stage of EU politics. Berlusconi had never considered the EU a high priority and he preferred flirting with other top international leaders instead. In his few years in office Prodi worked for a more balanced transatlantic relationship coupled with a transformation of the EU into a fully autonomous international actor. This idea resembled Chiracs idea of multipolarism[34]. Berlusconi was certainly in favour of enlargement; in fact, he went as far as to pronounce himself in favour of the accession of both Israel and Russia. This reflected his vision of the EU more as a common economic space than as a political entity. On the other hand Prodi sought to strengthen the EU institutions before the actual enlargement[35]. President Bush lost a great ally when Berlusconi lost the election in 2006. In fact, before the election Bush had made certain statements that came very close to an open endorsement of Berlusconis re-election. These statements were regarded by a commentator as a blatant interference in Italys domestic affairs[36]. Yet, in reality Bush had little to worry from Prodi, as, once elected, Il Professore made it clear that he wished to enter into close dialogue and consultation with USA concerning Italys military presence in Iraq and Afghanistan. Prodi even defended Italys military presence in Afghanistan: The goal of our presence in Afghanistan is to consolidate the countrys young democratic institutions our soldiers bring a culture of dialogue and help, not of clashes.[37] In 2008, Berlusconi was at Italys helm again. This time accusations of corruption and his attempts to silence criticism from the press, cast new doubts over Italys international credentials. Berlusconi is currently accused of taking a personal approach to Italys foreign relations. He strengthened certain aspects of Italian relations but weakened Italys EU credentials; even though Italy supported both the EU Constitutional Treaty and the Lisbon Treaty vigorously. Berlusconis friendship with Russia and understanding with Libya can be regarded as a structural realist approach to Italys foreign relations[38]. Conclusion In a book he wrote, Italian foreign minister Frattini argued that the present Italian foreign policy is grafted into a long tradition of continuity and that its only novelty is its activism[39]. In my opinion he couldnt have hit the mark more accurately than that. Since 1861 Italian governments endeavoured to win recognition at the table of the Great Powers, searching for legitimization through various international coalitions and alliances. Since the end of the Cold War Italys international profile has been raised considerably; but do the Italians know where their national interests really lie? For years this question has echoed the Italian international policy. History shows that Italy tends to support anything that it thinks will benefit her (like it did in both World Wars). In recent times the dilemma has been more between the EU and the U.S. And in my opinion, the last decade has consolidated the factor that Italy tends to be closer to the U.S. than to the EU in its foreign poli cy. References Absalom Roger, Italy since 1800: A Nation in the Balance?, London, Longman Group Ltd, 1995. Calvocoressi Peter, World Politics since 1945, England, Pearson Education Ltd, 2009 Croci Osvaldo (2002), The Second Berlusconi Government and Italian Foreign Policy, The International Spectator, available: www.iai.it/pdf/articles/croci.pdf (accessed: 20th December 2009). Greco Ettore (2006), The Foreign Policy of the New Prodi Government, The Brookings Institution, available: http://www.brookings.edu/papers/2006/08europe_greco.aspx (accessed 23rd December 2009). Ignazi Piero , Italian foreign policy since 2001: a preliminary assessment, available: foreignpolicy.it/file_adon/ignazi_edit_2.doc (accessed 20th December 2009). Kissinger Henry, Diplomacy, New York, Simon Schuster Paperbacks, 1994. Miller Stuart T., Mastering Modern European History, New York, Palgrave Master Series, 1997. Morris Terry and Murphy Derrick, Europe 1870-1991, London, Harper Collins Publishers Ltd, 2006, p. 262 Romano Sergio, Guida alla Politica Estera Italiana: Da Badoglio a Berlusconi, Milan, BUR Saggi, 2004. Ratti Luca (2009), Italian Foreign Policy in the Second Republic: new wine in old bottles?, available: www.e-ir.info/?p=2523article2pdf=1 (accessed 20th December 2009). The Economist (2002), Berlusconi strikes out, available: http://www.economist.com/opinion/PrinterFriendly.cfm?story_id=930034 (accessed 20th December 2009). Sanminiatelli Maria (2007), Prodi Defends Italys Foreign Policies, The Washington Post, available: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/02/27/AR2007022700884.html (accessed 23rd December 2009). Tripodi Paolo (1996), A half-century of Italian foreign policy, available: http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2242/is_n1568_v269/ai_18826921/ (accessed 13th December 2009) Stuart T Miller, Mastering Modern European History, New York, Palgrave Master Series, 1997, p. 50 Terry Morris and Derrick Murphy, Europe 1870-1991, London, Harper Collins Publishers Ltd, 2006, p. 262 Miller, op.cit., pp. 214-217 Morris, op.cit., p. 263 Ibid., p. 276 Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, New York, Simon Schuster Paperbacks, 1994, p. 299 Roger Absalom, Italy since 1800: A Nation in the Balance?, London, Longman Group Ltd, 1995, pp. 161-165 Peter Calvocoressi, World Politics since 1945, England, Pearson Education Ltd, 2009, p. 206 Paolo Tripodi (1996), A half-century of Italian foreign policy, available: http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2242/is_n1568_v269/ai_18826921/ (accessed 13th December 2009) Ibid. Sergio Romano, Guida alla Politica Estera Italiana: Da Badoglio a Berlusconi, Milan, BUR Saggi, 2004, p. 240 Tripodi, op.cit. Piero Ignazi, Italian foreign policy since 2001: a preliminary assessment, available: foreignpolicy.it/file_adon/ignazi_edit_2.doc (accessed 20th December 2009) Tripodi, op.cit The Economist (2002), Berlusconi strikes out, available: http://www.economist.com/opinion/PrinterFriendly.cfm?story_id=930034 (accessed 20th December 2009). Ignazi, op.cit. Tripodi, op.cit. Ibid. Osvaldo Croci (2002), The Second Berlusconi Government and Italian Foreign Policy, The International Spectator, available: www.iai.it/pdf/articles/croci.pdf (accessed: 20th December 2009). Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. The Economist, op.cit. Croci, op.cit. Ignazi, op.cit. Calvocoressi, op.cit., p. 211 Croci, op.cit. Ignazi, op.cit. Ibid. Ibid. Romano, op.cit., p. 4 Ignazi, op.cit. Ibid. Ettore Greco (2006), The Foreign Policy of the New Prodi Government, The Brookings Institution, available: http://www.brookings.edu/papers/2006/08europe_greco.aspx (accessed 23rd December 2009). Ibid. Ibid. Maria Sanminiatelli (2007), Prodi Defends Italys Foreign Policies, The Washington Post, available: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/02/27/AR2007022700884.html (accessed 23rd December 2009). Luca Ratti (2009), Italian Foreign Policy in the Second Republic: new wine in old bottles?, available: www.e-ir.info/?p=2523article2pdf=1 (accessed 20th December 2009). Ignazi, op.cit.

Gods Nature vs. Mans Free Will Essay -- Philosophy Religion Essays

God's Nature vs. Man's Free Will The reconciliation of God's nature and Man's free will has long been a subject of debate for philosophers and theologians. Christianity rests upon certain ideas about the nature of God and the universe. The Bible speaks of God as eternal, all-knowing, and as the very author of reality. The concept of God as a benevolent, omniscient, omnipotent, and omnipresent entity is rooted in thousands of years of church tradition. This tradition is so ingrained in Western culture, that, when one mentions "God", these ideas almost invariably come to mind. The idea of Man's free will is also a well-established tradition in Christianity. The very need for Christian redemption is based upon the choices made by Adam and Eve at the very beginning of history. There is an idea that Man either chooses to sin against God, or chooses to obey Him. This ability to choose between two options allows good and evil to exist as opposites on the spectrum of morality. This in turn necessitates a need for an atonement process by which Man can be redeemed for the evils that are committed. Without this doctrine, Christianity is unnecessary. Redemption is not required for those who commit no wrong. The above ideas seem relatively straightforward when presented as independent beliefs. A great deal of confusion does arise, however, when the ideas are brought together as a system of beliefs. Some parts of God's nature seem to disallow the possibility of free will. How can God's knowledge of all actions - past, present, and future - allow any human to make a choice of his own volition? By its very nature, omniscience is infallible, therefore it seems that one is not free to choose anything other than that which God knows. Th... ...sions in order to be 'all-good', and He chose to allow us to choose. In conclusion, I suggest that there is a big difference between saying, "God can't do X and be consistent", and, "I don't know how God can do X and be consistent." As common sense suggests, ignorance of a solution does not take away from that solution's existence. Soli Deo gloria. Works Cited Augustine. "Divine Foreknowledge and Human Free Will." Philosophy of Religion: An Anthology. 259-261. Mackie, John L. "Evil and Omnipotence." Ibid. 186-193. Pike, Nelson. "God's Foreknowledge and Human Free Will Are Incompatible." Ibid. 261-271. Plantinga, Alvin. "God's Foreknowledge and Human Free Will Are Compatible." Ibid. 271-275. Plantinga, Alvin. "The Free Will Defense." Ibid. 194-212. Pojman, Louis P., ed. Philosophy of Religion: An Anthology. New York: Wadsworth, 1998.